Catching up my articles from August. Originally published in Green Left Weekly.
In a move aimed at demobilising and splitting the opposition, the
leaders of Tunisia's governing party, Ennahda, reached out to Beji Caid
Essebsi, leader of the secular ex-regime party Nidaa Tounes. It was part
of a bid to resolve the political crisis that has crippled the north
African nation for weeks.
In a meeting in Paris
on August 15, Ennahda leader Rachid Ghannouchi offered Essebsi the
presidency and four ministries in a new government if his party
supported resuming the suspended National Constituent Assembly (NCA),
reported Tunisia Live.
“Leaders of Ennahdha are seeking alliances with Nidaa Tounes and are
discrediting the Popular Front,” Ammar Amrousia, a leader of the Popular
Front coalition of left parties, said in response.
Business News Tunisia said the Popular Front and General Union of
Tunisian Workers (UGTT) were potentially being excluded from the deal ―
and that Ennahda was under pressure from the European Union and United
States to strike such a compromise.
Secular parties
Since the assassination of Popular Front figure Mohammed Brahmi on
July 25, some of the non-government secular parties have been united in
the streets with the Popular Front and other left groups, demanding the
NCA be dissolved and a non-partisan government to oversee immediate
elections.
The move by Ennahda, the senior government partner after the NCA
elections in October 2011, could weaken the support base of the protests
and divide the broader masses who have mobilised in recent weeks
against the government.
Nidaa is the largest party in the Union for Tunisia alliance of
secular democratic parties, which brings together social democratic
party al-Massar, the al-Joumhouri (Republican) Party and ex-regime
figures such as Essebsi.
Although Nidaa has not thrown its full weight behind the protests in
the Tunis suburb of Bardo, al-Massar and al-Joumhouri have both done so.
Essebsi, who acted as prime minister in the interim government after
the overthrow of Zine el Abidine Ben Ali in 2011, pressure the Union for
Tunisia to withdraw from street protests if such a deal is struck.
Mohsen Marzouk, a member of the Nidaa Tounes executive committee, told Al Jazeera
that the party would “not accept any one-on-one deal with Ennahdha and
that discussions must continue between all parties, including civil
society as represented by the UGTT”. However, another high-level meeting
between the parties will reportedly take place this week.
Seeking a more direct route to end the crisis, a group of NCA members
opposing the body's suspension began circulating a petition of no
confidence in the speaker, Mustafa Ben Jafaar, reported Tunisia Live
on August 21. Ben Jafaar, from “troika” government partner Ettakatol,
suspended the NCA on August 6 in the face of huge protests.
On August 22 Tunisia Live said
Ennahda had accepted a UGTT proposal for “national dialogue”. However,
Ennahda statements reaffirmed the party wouldn't accept the demand for
the NCA's dissolution, and that the Troika government would continue
working until “national consensus” was reached.
Bardo sit-in
While these movers were taking place, Prime Minister Ali Larayedh
told state news agency TAP that “there will be no hesitation or retreat
against those who, by terrorism, anarchy or rebellion, jeopardize the
state institutions,” after the opposition declared another week of
protests, dubbed the “Week of Rage”, would begin on August 24.
In response, Hamma Hammami, Worker's Party and Popular Front leader,
told AFP that “we have not called for violence... just for peaceful
sit-ins to get rid of the coalition in power and of officials appointed
for their political affiliations and not their competence”.
The ongoing “sit-in of departure” (rahil in Arabic) at the
NCA's chambers in Bardo has continued; after the police removed tents
from the site at August 9, the camp was rebuilt on August 16. An outdoor
cinema was set up at the site on August 21.
Since Brahmi's murder, the Popular Front and Nidaa Tounes have both
joined a “National Salvation Front” demanding a technocratic government
to oversee fresh elections and both have supported the "rahil" sit-in
and major protests against the regime.
But friction between the two groups before the most recent maneuvers by Ennahda has been notable; the Front declared
both the Troika and Nidaa Tounes “extreme” and declared it would seek
to break their duopoly in the political sphere when it first formed in
October last year.
Nonetheless, in June journalist Yosr Dridi accused the Popular Front of “anti-revolutionary conversion” by seeking a closer alliance with Nidaa Tounes against Ennahda.
Debate over law
A key point separating the Popular Front and Nidaa is the draft Law
for the Protection of the Revolution, being drawn up by the government
to put to the NCA.
The draft law would ban figures from Ben Ali's regime from holding
public office for a period of time. But Ennahda quickly signalled it
would be willing to compromise on the law once the current crisis began.
“Canceling or delaying it is possible as long as it comes through
dialogue with all blocs in the Constituent Assembly, because there are
some that back the law,” Ghannouchi told Reuters on August 5.
“Another possibility is to tighten it so that fewer people are included, or so the time period is shorter,” he said.
It is widely believed that Nidaa, which includes many ex-regime
figures, is opposed to the law. In response to the negotiations between
Ennahda and Nidaa, Ammar Amrousia said: “If Nidaa Tounes is exempted from the law for the protection of the revolution, they will reach an agreement with Ennahdha."
The Leagues for the Protection of the Revolution ― pro-Ennahda
militias ― have announced they will turn on the party at election time
if the law is not passed. “If Ennahdha decides to cancel the law, we
will wage a war against it,” LPR press attache Nasreddine Wazfa told Tunisia Live on August 6.
Although more attention by the government has been focused on
Salafists ― the suspect identified in the murder of Brahmi and Chokri
Belaid, Aboubaker al-Hakim, belongs to Salafist group Ansar al-Sharia ―
the Leagues for Protection of the Revolution also has a track record of
using violence.
Many suspect the Leagues killed Belaid. The Leagues also led an assault on the headquarters of the UGTT in December.
Popular Front leader Mongi Rahoui (who succeeded Chokri Belaid as
head of the Democratic Patriots' Movement) told Al Jazeera that he and
other Front leaders were still being intimidated in a campaign by
Ennahda supporters to silence dissent.
“When a party manoeuvres to position itself to control the
administration, and to create an atmosphere of violence so that
opposition politicians will be afraid, we cannot remain inactive,” he told AJE on August 20.
Both Rahoui and Besma Khalfaoui have reported threatening vehicles
frequently approaching their homes, forcing them to relocate daily.
Perhaps aimed at addressing criticism of the security situation, the
military has launched an offensive against radical Islamist groups
centred on Chaambi Mountain, on the border with Algeria. Eight soldiers were killed at the site just days after Brahmi's assassination, on July 29.
And in the hours before Brahmi's funeral, a bomb was planted
beneath a police car in the La Goulette suburb of Tunis. After several
hours, police arrested two suspects, reportedly linked to a “radical
religious group”.
Worsening economic situation
The assassinations of Belaid and Brahmi, and the climate of political
crisis following, have only partly impacted on broader social
struggles.
The number of strikes has declined significantly from last year.
Ministry of Social Affairs figures indicate 9% of Tunisian workers took part in strikes during the first half of 2013, compared to 41% last year. But the number of days lost rose by 37%, increased by the general strikes called in response to Belaid's murder.
Other strikes have also taken up political issues as well as basic
wages and conditions. A week-long strike in the port of Rades by
employees of the Tunisian Company for Stevedoring and Handling erupted
over comments by the company's CEO that privatisation of the port was on
the agenda in early July.
The strike was called off after reassurances from the ministry of transport that was not the case ― as well as the resignation of the CEO.
Recent strikes have also been waged by shopkeepers in the Medina of Tunis against monopolisation. Earlier in the year, taxi drivers struck to protest fuel price rises.
The economic and political issues that drove Tunisians to revolt under Ben Ali's rule remain challenges for the Troika. A recent Gallup poll showing approval of national leadership fell dramatically from 60% in May to 23% by March 2013.
The poll also found that levels of anxiety over economic issues
remain high, with 71% reporting it is a bad time to find work and 41%
reporting it is difficult to get by on their household income.
So long as Tunisians remain under these economic pressures, then the
demands of the January 14 revolution ― work, dignity and freedom ―
remain unfulfilled.
Showing posts with label strikes. Show all posts
Showing posts with label strikes. Show all posts
Thursday, 30 January 2014
Monday, 28 January 2013
Solidarity with the Tunisian teachers
I stand in solidarity with the Tunisian teachers struggle for conditions, jobs and dignity. Tunisian secondary teachers stopped work on January 22 and 23. The Ministry of Education of the interim post-dictatorship government has maintained the curriculum of the Ben Ali regime and refuses to negotiate with the General Union of Secondary School Teachers.
Teachers have been leaders in the struggles again Ben Ali and in struggles for democratic reforms since his departure. Despite Western powers congratulating Tunisia for building a "strong, democratic country", in every area of society - campuses, the media, the unions, the impoverished interior regions - those who took to the streets to overthrow Ben Ali continue to struggle for the demands of January 14: work, dignity, freedom.
What you can do:
Send messages of solidarity to the Tunisian teachers’ strike via menasolidarity@gmail.com or http://www.facebook.com/mena.solidarity
Take a photograph of yourself and colleagues in your union branch using the poster designs below. Send to us or post on our Facebook page and we will forward
Read more about recent strikes in the Kasserine region here, and a report on Mohamed Sghaier’s visit to the UK in November.
Poster 1 and Poster 2
Teachers have been leaders in the struggles again Ben Ali and in struggles for democratic reforms since his departure. Despite Western powers congratulating Tunisia for building a "strong, democratic country", in every area of society - campuses, the media, the unions, the impoverished interior regions - those who took to the streets to overthrow Ben Ali continue to struggle for the demands of January 14: work, dignity, freedom.
What you can do:
Saturday, 7 July 2012
Egypt: Morsi Sworn In Before Regime's Court
Submitted for publication to Green Left Weekly.
The Muslim Brotherhood candidate for Egypt's Presidential Elections, Mohamed Morsi, was sworn into office on July 30, after the Electoral Comission announced on June 24 that he had beaten ex-regime candidate Ahmed Shafiq with 51.7% of the vote.
Significantly, Morsi swore the oath before Egypt's High Consitutional Court (HCC) – which on June 14 declared the law regulating the 2011 parliamentary elections, in which the Muslim Brotherhood won close to half of all seats, unconstitutional.
Egypt's Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF), which had exercised presidential powers after Hosni Mubarak's resignation, then dissolved the Parliament on June 17 with a supplementary Constitutional Declaration that also gave itself several Presidential powers and oversights.
This includes power to dissolve and appoint the constituent assembly elected by parliament to draft a new constitution.
The conformation of Morsi's win, however, was overshadowed by protests and sit-ins at Cairo's iconic Tahrir Square and elsewhere around the country, demanding the parliament be restored and the supplementary Constitution Declaration be revoked.
The Muslim Brotherhood called on its supporters to join the protests on Friday June 22, demanding the military respect Morsi's win.
However, Judge Tahani El-Gebaly, a member of the HCC, insisted in comments to al-Ahram newspaper that Morsi was bound to accept the addendum after taking oath before the court.
An AFP report quoted Morsi as saying there would be "no Islamisation of state institutions" during his Presidency, while the Herald Sun reported his vision of Egypt was as a "democratic, modern and constitutional state".
He also stated that he would "stand with the Palestinian people until they regain all their rights" – however, the supplementary Constitutional Declaration also declared the SCAF has sole authority over military matters and is the only body which can declare a state of war.
Egypt's military receives billions of dollars of aid from the US government annually; a key concern of American commentators has been the potential of the new regime to break the 1979 peace treaty between Egypt and Israel, brokered at Camp David.
After taking office, Morsi began accepting protesters into his office to hear their grievances. On July 4 it was announced a group of public-sector teachers demanding permanent full-time contracts who had been protesting had their demands granted by Morsi. In response, Al-Ahram ran the headline: "The people know the way to the palace"
However, protesters demanding an end to military trials of civilians and the release of political prisoners were prevented from entering, reported Al Arabiya on July 4.
The demands of Tahrir - for democratisation, equality before the law, putting regime figures on trial - are still being fought tooth and nail by the regime. Yet the independant worker's movement seems to be winning far more sympathy amongst the population - and, as such, presenting far more of a threat to the "new" regime.
General Adel Al-Morsi, head of the Military Judiciary Authority, was reported Daily News Egypt as saying that no ‘political prisoners’ are facing military trials, only 'criminals'. He also said responsibility lay with the President to pardon any charged by military courts.
Morsi, who officially resigned from the Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party after election results were announced, called for supporters to take to Tahrir on June 29 for the "Friday of the transfer of power". Protesters chanted "Down with the power of the military," reported AFP.
However, Egypt Independant reported on July 2 that Mostafa al-Ghoneimy, a member of the Muslim Brotherhood’s Guidance Bureau, announced they would no longer be supporting the Tahrir sit-in.
Sayed al-Nazily, a member of the Brotherhood Shura Council, said members were instructed to continue the sit-in until a July 9 challenge to the ruling which dissolved parliament.
Ahram Online's Yasmine Wali reported on July 3 that the Square was almost empty, with only a handful of Brotherhood supporters remaining. Other activist groups such as the April 6 Youth Movement also suspended their involvement in Tahrir.
As the struggle between the SCAF and Morsi for control of the state apparatus unfolds, it seems clear that, despite the hopes of many, Tahrir's revolutionaries will still need to take to the streets to win their demands.
The Muslim Brotherhood candidate for Egypt's Presidential Elections, Mohamed Morsi, was sworn into office on July 30, after the Electoral Comission announced on June 24 that he had beaten ex-regime candidate Ahmed Shafiq with 51.7% of the vote.
 |
| Morsi sworn in before High Constitutional Court. Photo: Xinhua |
Significantly, Morsi swore the oath before Egypt's High Consitutional Court (HCC) – which on June 14 declared the law regulating the 2011 parliamentary elections, in which the Muslim Brotherhood won close to half of all seats, unconstitutional.
Egypt's Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF), which had exercised presidential powers after Hosni Mubarak's resignation, then dissolved the Parliament on June 17 with a supplementary Constitutional Declaration that also gave itself several Presidential powers and oversights.
This includes power to dissolve and appoint the constituent assembly elected by parliament to draft a new constitution.
The conformation of Morsi's win, however, was overshadowed by protests and sit-ins at Cairo's iconic Tahrir Square and elsewhere around the country, demanding the parliament be restored and the supplementary Constitution Declaration be revoked.
The Muslim Brotherhood called on its supporters to join the protests on Friday June 22, demanding the military respect Morsi's win.
However, Judge Tahani El-Gebaly, a member of the HCC, insisted in comments to al-Ahram newspaper that Morsi was bound to accept the addendum after taking oath before the court.
An AFP report quoted Morsi as saying there would be "no Islamisation of state institutions" during his Presidency, while the Herald Sun reported his vision of Egypt was as a "democratic, modern and constitutional state".
He also stated that he would "stand with the Palestinian people until they regain all their rights" – however, the supplementary Constitutional Declaration also declared the SCAF has sole authority over military matters and is the only body which can declare a state of war.
Egypt's military receives billions of dollars of aid from the US government annually; a key concern of American commentators has been the potential of the new regime to break the 1979 peace treaty between Egypt and Israel, brokered at Camp David.
After taking office, Morsi began accepting protesters into his office to hear their grievances. On July 4 it was announced a group of public-sector teachers demanding permanent full-time contracts who had been protesting had their demands granted by Morsi. In response, Al-Ahram ran the headline: "The people know the way to the palace"
However, protesters demanding an end to military trials of civilians and the release of political prisoners were prevented from entering, reported Al Arabiya on July 4.
The demands of Tahrir - for democratisation, equality before the law, putting regime figures on trial - are still being fought tooth and nail by the regime. Yet the independant worker's movement seems to be winning far more sympathy amongst the population - and, as such, presenting far more of a threat to the "new" regime.
General Adel Al-Morsi, head of the Military Judiciary Authority, was reported Daily News Egypt as saying that no ‘political prisoners’ are facing military trials, only 'criminals'. He also said responsibility lay with the President to pardon any charged by military courts.
Morsi, who officially resigned from the Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party after election results were announced, called for supporters to take to Tahrir on June 29 for the "Friday of the transfer of power". Protesters chanted "Down with the power of the military," reported AFP.
However, Egypt Independant reported on July 2 that Mostafa al-Ghoneimy, a member of the Muslim Brotherhood’s Guidance Bureau, announced they would no longer be supporting the Tahrir sit-in.
Sayed al-Nazily, a member of the Brotherhood Shura Council, said members were instructed to continue the sit-in until a July 9 challenge to the ruling which dissolved parliament.
Ahram Online's Yasmine Wali reported on July 3 that the Square was almost empty, with only a handful of Brotherhood supporters remaining. Other activist groups such as the April 6 Youth Movement also suspended their involvement in Tahrir.
As the struggle between the SCAF and Morsi for control of the state apparatus unfolds, it seems clear that, despite the hopes of many, Tahrir's revolutionaries will still need to take to the streets to win their demands.
Friday, 6 July 2012
Egypt: Brotherhood claim presidential win amid big street protests
This was orginally published in Green Left Weekly here, going to print on June 24 shortly before Morsi's victory was announced. Stay posted for another update on his swearing in, the Brotherhood's withdrawal from Tahrir, and the military's advances.
[Although official results are yet to be announced, it seems] Muhammad Morsi, the Islamist Muslim Brotherhood (MB) candidate, has won the second round of Egypt's presidential elections, held on June 16-17.
However, his opponent, ex-regime candidate Ahmed Shafik, also declared victory on election night, claiming there was no way Morsi had secured the million-vote lead their camp claimed.
Election Contest
In the lead-up to the second round of voting, several prominent left forces, including the Revolutionary Socialists and the April 6 Youth Movement, declared their support for Morsi's campaign.
In a statement on May 28, the Revolutionary Socialists described Shafiq as the "face of the counter-revolution", and without a candidate standing for the Tahrir revolution, called for all supporters of the January 25 revolution to unite behind Morsi.
The statement attributed Shafiq's success to "the smear campaigns, systematic repression and intimidation of the social and popular forces "
An independant election monitor supported by Middle East Voices substantiated Morsi's claim of leading with around 51.8% of the vote. (the final count was 51.7% Morsi)
Much of the attention from the elections, however, was taken up with the Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF)'s maneuvers to limit the power of the winner.
Military Declares Power
After the Supreme Constitutional Court (SCC) ruled on June 14 that the Parliamentary Election Law regulating the 2011 elections was unconstitutional, the SCAF issued a decree dissolving the Islamist-majority parliament on June 17, shortly after the presidential polls had closed.
The day before the ruling, the Justice Ministry had also decreed that military police and intelligence officers could arrest civilians, continuing the legacy of the state of emergency, which legally ended at the start of June.
Al Jazeera English quoted Mohamed Beltagy, a member of the Muslim Brotherhood, as describing the decree as a "military coup" which had not been discussed in Parliament.
On June 17, Ahram Online reported Saad El-Katatni, speaker of the Parliament, as having told the SCAF he would continue to convene the body despite its dissolution.
The SCAF has also issued a "supplementary constitutional declaration" seizing many Presidential powers for the council itself.
Armed forces were deployed in great numbers across Egypt ahead of the announcement of official results – originally scheduled for June 21.
Amr Ahmed, from the Egyptian Socialist Party, told Green Left Weekly: "There are four main points to the declaration.
Firstly, that the SCAF are the only ones responsible for everything relating to the military, the appointment of leadership, and [Field Marshall] Tantawi is to hold the power of Commander in Chief and Secretary of Defence
Second, that the SCAF must approve any declaration of a state of war.
Thirdly, the SCAF will hold the authority of Parliament until a new one can be elected.
Fourth, the SCAF will control the body to draft a new constitution within 3 months, to be approved by a referendum after that.
So at present you can see the SCAF will remain in the scene regardless of who is the president.... they will be like a marionette in the hands of the military."
Responses
The US government has signalled concerns with the situation. Hilary Clinton responded to the declarations with a statement on June 14 calling for the military authorities to "fully transfer power to a democratically elected civilian government as planned", reported Ahram Online.
However, the role of the US has been far from helpful to the transition to democratic rule in Egypt. In fact, in March Clinton waived the requirement for certification of basic human rights conditions in the country before the United States' $1.3 US billion of aid to Egypt could be released, reported the New York Times on March 26.
The Guardian reported that Egypt's benchmark index dropped 1.9% in the early hours of Monday morning, on the back of the expected win of Morsi and the military maneuvers.
Initial protests at the dissolution of parliament drew thousands to the street on June 15. Then on June 18, a joint statement was issued by a variety of left forces to "Announce [the signatories'] complete rejection of the Supplementary Constitutional Declaration."
The statement called for the president-elect to reject the Supplementary Declaration, cancel exceptional measures issued by the SCAF and refuse to take the oath of office before the SCC. (ed: Morsi did take the oath before the SCC, which I write about in my following article)
The statement called for a protest in Tahrir Square on Tuesday June 19; tens of thousands responded, rallying through the night.
The Muslim Brotherhood called for its supporters to join the protests throughout the week, launching its own vigils in public squares throughout the country against the "coup".
Ahmed told Green Left Weekly: "What's happening now has nothing to do with the goals of the revolution or the people, but is part of the ongoing conflict between the SCAF and the Muslim Brotherhood for power and influence in the state."
Where to for the Revolution?
Since the first-round elections, when all candidates reflecting the demands of the revolution were defeated, Egypt's revolutionary camp has been split on how to approach the electoral processes and the political sphere.
One important chapter for breaking people's illusions in the Muslim Brotherhood is the question of sexism and sexual harrassment, which was brought to the fore in December when footage of a female protester being beaten and stripped half-naked in Tahrir by soldiers spread online.
Ahmed said: "On this issue there is no conflict between the SCAF and the MB. The Brotherhood said that it was the fault of the protester for being in Tahrir Square that this happened to her."
"The illusion of fundamental differences between the MB and the SCAF will become more and more apparent over time."
Where to for Tahrir?
The "leaderless" approach of the Tahrir revolutionaries, uniting around basic demands for democratic and economic reforms, has been a factor in the lack of significant wins in the political sphere for the demands of the revolution beyond the winning of electoral process and the trial of Mubarak.
"We have pushed to take some advancements and achievements, but they have all been taken up by the Brotherhood", Ahmed told GLW.
"We need to create a third power, an organisation of the revolution, to represent its agenda & goals, and lead people towards the revolution's milestones."
"The Egyptian Socialist Party is seeking to create this third political force with other figures on the left – such as Sabahy and El Baradei – that can represent the revolution."
Writing on her blog Tahrir & Beyond on June 17, Gigi Ibrahim, a leading member of Egypt's Revolutionary Socialists, declared: "the revolution has no machine, no organised group, no political party sufficient enough to adopt the revolution's goals and capable of fighting the two most organised and biggest threatening machines to the revolution, the NDP (Mubarak's party) and MB, and the SCAF"
Throughout the struggles around the elections, the workers' movement has continued to push for economic & political reforms in workplaces across Egypt.
Public Transport workers in Cairo went on strike for two weeks in March, demanding the removal of corrupt Mubarak-era officials as well as a bonus equal to 100 weeks pay.
On March 27 they went back to work, winning their demands for improved pay and conditions.
The strong showing of Hamdeen Sabahy, who put forward a Nasserist platform of expanding subsidies and state investment, and polled a close third behind Shafik in the first round of the presidential elections, shows that the prospects for building on the demands of workers and democracy activists in the political sphere are good.
The question is – will they find the vehicle to exercise their own power? Or will the mauevering between the SCAF & MB stagnate the January 25 revolution?
[Although official results are yet to be announced, it seems] Muhammad Morsi, the Islamist Muslim Brotherhood (MB) candidate, has won the second round of Egypt's presidential elections, held on June 16-17.
However, his opponent, ex-regime candidate Ahmed Shafik, also declared victory on election night, claiming there was no way Morsi had secured the million-vote lead their camp claimed.
Election Contest
In the lead-up to the second round of voting, several prominent left forces, including the Revolutionary Socialists and the April 6 Youth Movement, declared their support for Morsi's campaign.
In a statement on May 28, the Revolutionary Socialists described Shafiq as the "face of the counter-revolution", and without a candidate standing for the Tahrir revolution, called for all supporters of the January 25 revolution to unite behind Morsi.
The statement attributed Shafiq's success to "the smear campaigns, systematic repression and intimidation of the social and popular forces "
An independant election monitor supported by Middle East Voices substantiated Morsi's claim of leading with around 51.8% of the vote. (the final count was 51.7% Morsi)
Much of the attention from the elections, however, was taken up with the Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF)'s maneuvers to limit the power of the winner.
Military Declares Power
After the Supreme Constitutional Court (SCC) ruled on June 14 that the Parliamentary Election Law regulating the 2011 elections was unconstitutional, the SCAF issued a decree dissolving the Islamist-majority parliament on June 17, shortly after the presidential polls had closed.
The day before the ruling, the Justice Ministry had also decreed that military police and intelligence officers could arrest civilians, continuing the legacy of the state of emergency, which legally ended at the start of June.
Al Jazeera English quoted Mohamed Beltagy, a member of the Muslim Brotherhood, as describing the decree as a "military coup" which had not been discussed in Parliament.
On June 17, Ahram Online reported Saad El-Katatni, speaker of the Parliament, as having told the SCAF he would continue to convene the body despite its dissolution.
The SCAF has also issued a "supplementary constitutional declaration" seizing many Presidential powers for the council itself.
Armed forces were deployed in great numbers across Egypt ahead of the announcement of official results – originally scheduled for June 21.
Amr Ahmed, from the Egyptian Socialist Party, told Green Left Weekly: "There are four main points to the declaration.
Firstly, that the SCAF are the only ones responsible for everything relating to the military, the appointment of leadership, and [Field Marshall] Tantawi is to hold the power of Commander in Chief and Secretary of Defence
Second, that the SCAF must approve any declaration of a state of war.
Thirdly, the SCAF will hold the authority of Parliament until a new one can be elected.
Fourth, the SCAF will control the body to draft a new constitution within 3 months, to be approved by a referendum after that.
So at present you can see the SCAF will remain in the scene regardless of who is the president.... they will be like a marionette in the hands of the military."
Responses
The US government has signalled concerns with the situation. Hilary Clinton responded to the declarations with a statement on June 14 calling for the military authorities to "fully transfer power to a democratically elected civilian government as planned", reported Ahram Online.
However, the role of the US has been far from helpful to the transition to democratic rule in Egypt. In fact, in March Clinton waived the requirement for certification of basic human rights conditions in the country before the United States' $1.3 US billion of aid to Egypt could be released, reported the New York Times on March 26.
The Guardian reported that Egypt's benchmark index dropped 1.9% in the early hours of Monday morning, on the back of the expected win of Morsi and the military maneuvers.
Initial protests at the dissolution of parliament drew thousands to the street on June 15. Then on June 18, a joint statement was issued by a variety of left forces to "Announce [the signatories'] complete rejection of the Supplementary Constitutional Declaration."
The statement called for the president-elect to reject the Supplementary Declaration, cancel exceptional measures issued by the SCAF and refuse to take the oath of office before the SCC. (ed: Morsi did take the oath before the SCC, which I write about in my following article)
The statement called for a protest in Tahrir Square on Tuesday June 19; tens of thousands responded, rallying through the night.
The Muslim Brotherhood called for its supporters to join the protests throughout the week, launching its own vigils in public squares throughout the country against the "coup".
Ahmed told Green Left Weekly: "What's happening now has nothing to do with the goals of the revolution or the people, but is part of the ongoing conflict between the SCAF and the Muslim Brotherhood for power and influence in the state."
Where to for the Revolution?
Since the first-round elections, when all candidates reflecting the demands of the revolution were defeated, Egypt's revolutionary camp has been split on how to approach the electoral processes and the political sphere.
One important chapter for breaking people's illusions in the Muslim Brotherhood is the question of sexism and sexual harrassment, which was brought to the fore in December when footage of a female protester being beaten and stripped half-naked in Tahrir by soldiers spread online.
Ahmed said: "On this issue there is no conflict between the SCAF and the MB. The Brotherhood said that it was the fault of the protester for being in Tahrir Square that this happened to her."
"The illusion of fundamental differences between the MB and the SCAF will become more and more apparent over time."
Where to for Tahrir?
The "leaderless" approach of the Tahrir revolutionaries, uniting around basic demands for democratic and economic reforms, has been a factor in the lack of significant wins in the political sphere for the demands of the revolution beyond the winning of electoral process and the trial of Mubarak.
"We have pushed to take some advancements and achievements, but they have all been taken up by the Brotherhood", Ahmed told GLW.
"We need to create a third power, an organisation of the revolution, to represent its agenda & goals, and lead people towards the revolution's milestones."
"The Egyptian Socialist Party is seeking to create this third political force with other figures on the left – such as Sabahy and El Baradei – that can represent the revolution."
Writing on her blog Tahrir & Beyond on June 17, Gigi Ibrahim, a leading member of Egypt's Revolutionary Socialists, declared: "the revolution has no machine, no organised group, no political party sufficient enough to adopt the revolution's goals and capable of fighting the two most organised and biggest threatening machines to the revolution, the NDP (Mubarak's party) and MB, and the SCAF"
Throughout the struggles around the elections, the workers' movement has continued to push for economic & political reforms in workplaces across Egypt.
Public Transport workers in Cairo went on strike for two weeks in March, demanding the removal of corrupt Mubarak-era officials as well as a bonus equal to 100 weeks pay.
On March 27 they went back to work, winning their demands for improved pay and conditions.
The strong showing of Hamdeen Sabahy, who put forward a Nasserist platform of expanding subsidies and state investment, and polled a close third behind Shafik in the first round of the presidential elections, shows that the prospects for building on the demands of workers and democracy activists in the political sphere are good.
The question is – will they find the vehicle to exercise their own power? Or will the mauevering between the SCAF & MB stagnate the January 25 revolution?
Sunday, 19 February 2012
Egypt: Arrests 'a sign of desperation', says Mackell
This article, in which I interviewed Austin Mackell, was originally printed in Green Left Weekly.
Australian journalist Austin Mackell, United States student Derek
Ludovici and Egyptian translator Aliya Alwi are facing charges of
inciting people to vandalise public property after being detained by the
police in the Egyptian city of Mahalla El-Kubra on February 11.
The group tried to interview Kamal Elfayoumi, a trade worker in the industrial city, when their car was surrounded by groups of local residents. Reports posted by Alwi on Twitter said: "Our car got rocked and beaten against the glass, got called a whore and all sorts of things. Police escorted us to station."
At first, the group thought they were simply being protected by the police. However, after several hours, the police told the group that they were being charged with "offering money to youth to vandalise and cause chaos".
Alwi said they were being transferred to military intelligence in the neighbouring city of Tanta. In the next three days, the group was moved back and forth eight times to stop supporters mobilising in their defence.
However, several activists from No to Military Trials, a network formed to prevent civilians being tried by military courts and other injustices, quickly arrived in Mahalla and began spreading attention to the issue online.
Under pressure from a campaign for their release within Egypt and globally, the three were released on February 14.
Austin told Green Left Weekly: "I've been banned from leaving the country while the charges are being investigated, but I'm trying to get home to renew my passport.
"The Egyptian authorities don't care about me overstaying my visa. I'm being charged with inciting people to vandalise public property, along with Aliya and Derek.
"[Foreign Minister] Kevin Rudd needs to publicly come out and defend me. Embassy staff have told me he is following the case, so he should do something.
"I'm a journalist, not a spy."
Mackell said the two Egyptians detained with the group, Alwi and their driver Zakaria Ahmad, were both treated far more aggressively than he and Ludovici. He said Ahmad was being beaten in an attempt to turn him against the others.
"It's a sign of desperation from [the military regime]," Mackell said.
"The targets of the strategy of talking about 'foreign hands' are not us [foreign journalists], they are Elfayoumi and the other activists here. It's an attempt to discredit their real work.
"I am just a means to that end."
The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), which controls the military authorities, assumed presidential powers when Hosni Mubarak resigned from office on February 11 last year.
Mahalla has been the epicentre of independent union activity and strikes for the past five years.
"The February 11 strike was a bit of a flop in Mahalla; less than 10% of workers in the factories took part," Mackell told GLW. "But Elfayoumi is still optimistic, he says the momentum in the factories is still building."
In Egypt, activists, unions, bloggers and journalists still face constant harassment from right-wing baltageya gangs paid off by the interior ministry and from official state forces.
"The most likely scenario is some people were there to instigate trouble," said Mackell. "They were not necessarily attempting to instigate trouble against us, but against the strike and the people who were marching.
“Then when we were there we became perfect targets."
More than 12,000 people have been arrested and 8000 charged by military tribunals since the uprising against former President Mubarak began a year ago. Many female detainees have been subjected to cruel and degrading "virginity tests".
In the face of the huge protests that have marked the one year anniversary of the overthrow of Mubarak, the Egyptian government has intensified attempts to discredit protesters and shift the blame away from itself for ongoing repression.
Al Jazeera English reported that a letter from the SCAF read on Egyptian State Television on Friday said: "Egypt is facing conspiracies that seek to topple the state and spread chaos … it will not bow to pressure to accelerate the transition to full civilian rule."
Despite this, millions continue to take to the streets.
Egypt: Arrests 'a sign of desperation', says Mackell
The group tried to interview Kamal Elfayoumi, a trade worker in the industrial city, when their car was surrounded by groups of local residents. Reports posted by Alwi on Twitter said: "Our car got rocked and beaten against the glass, got called a whore and all sorts of things. Police escorted us to station."
At first, the group thought they were simply being protected by the police. However, after several hours, the police told the group that they were being charged with "offering money to youth to vandalise and cause chaos".
Alwi said they were being transferred to military intelligence in the neighbouring city of Tanta. In the next three days, the group was moved back and forth eight times to stop supporters mobilising in their defence.
However, several activists from No to Military Trials, a network formed to prevent civilians being tried by military courts and other injustices, quickly arrived in Mahalla and began spreading attention to the issue online.
Under pressure from a campaign for their release within Egypt and globally, the three were released on February 14.
Austin told Green Left Weekly: "I've been banned from leaving the country while the charges are being investigated, but I'm trying to get home to renew my passport.
"The Egyptian authorities don't care about me overstaying my visa. I'm being charged with inciting people to vandalise public property, along with Aliya and Derek.
"[Foreign Minister] Kevin Rudd needs to publicly come out and defend me. Embassy staff have told me he is following the case, so he should do something.
"I'm a journalist, not a spy."
Mackell said the two Egyptians detained with the group, Alwi and their driver Zakaria Ahmad, were both treated far more aggressively than he and Ludovici. He said Ahmad was being beaten in an attempt to turn him against the others.
"It's a sign of desperation from [the military regime]," Mackell said.
"The targets of the strategy of talking about 'foreign hands' are not us [foreign journalists], they are Elfayoumi and the other activists here. It's an attempt to discredit their real work.
"I am just a means to that end."
The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), which controls the military authorities, assumed presidential powers when Hosni Mubarak resigned from office on February 11 last year.
Mahalla has been the epicentre of independent union activity and strikes for the past five years.
"The February 11 strike was a bit of a flop in Mahalla; less than 10% of workers in the factories took part," Mackell told GLW. "But Elfayoumi is still optimistic, he says the momentum in the factories is still building."
In Egypt, activists, unions, bloggers and journalists still face constant harassment from right-wing baltageya gangs paid off by the interior ministry and from official state forces.
"The most likely scenario is some people were there to instigate trouble," said Mackell. "They were not necessarily attempting to instigate trouble against us, but against the strike and the people who were marching.
“Then when we were there we became perfect targets."
More than 12,000 people have been arrested and 8000 charged by military tribunals since the uprising against former President Mubarak began a year ago. Many female detainees have been subjected to cruel and degrading "virginity tests".
In the face of the huge protests that have marked the one year anniversary of the overthrow of Mubarak, the Egyptian government has intensified attempts to discredit protesters and shift the blame away from itself for ongoing repression.
Al Jazeera English reported that a letter from the SCAF read on Egyptian State Television on Friday said: "Egypt is facing conspiracies that seek to topple the state and spread chaos … it will not bow to pressure to accelerate the transition to full civilian rule."
Despite this, millions continue to take to the streets.
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